HISTORICAL STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF THE CENTRAL UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY, FREE STATE

CENTRAL UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY, FREE STATE, A HISTORICAL - STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS; A CASE STUDY IN PHILOSOPHICAL IDEAS

Author: Dr Karel J De Beer (Founder member of the original College for Advanced Technical Education)


Abstract

Although the Higher Education Act and Labour Laws endeavor to redress the legacy of the past, socialism versus capitalist Post-modernism versus Africanisation and subsequent political ideologies (e. g. relativism and holism) dictate the structure of the Central University of Technology, Free State.

Ideologically, the structure of this institution was determined by international trends since the very beginning of technical and eventually technological education in the capital of the Free State. First of all a Preparatory Technical School was started, which emerged into a Technical College. The academic debate vis a vis technical training and technological education culminated into the establishment of Colleges for Advanced Technical Education, which also formed the impetus for the foundation of the former Technikon Free State in 1981.

This paper is a case study trying to analyse various influential ideological factors within. the context of public accountability for technological education-as emphasized in the Higher Education Act 101, the Science and Technology White Paper and the Labour Law White Paper which influenced the strategic planning of Higher Eduaction during the nineties. It evaluates the complexity of only one Higher Education institution in one of the nine provincial regions of South Africa. It is intended as a response to realities in serving the transition from the previous social order into a new dispensation over the past twenty-five years of its existence.

One of the skills that Outcomes Based Education promotes is the ability to evaluate one life sphere in relation to a framework of other relevant spheres. The outcome will thus be determined by an evaluation of the past inequalities of the historical life sphere in transforming the higher education system to serve a new social order as explained in the abstract.

For the purpose of this presentation, I will mainly concentrate on the historical foundation of this former technikon (read CUT) as an academic Higher Education Institution, the nature of its present structure and how it may eventually fit in with the process of societal transformation to provide a new labour market. The technikon is involved in Higher Education but education as such cannot be qualified by any one particular modality simply because it is directed at the personality structure or normative structure of human beings because it reveals an amazing complexity (Strauss 1978:309-314).

Technikon Free State (TFS) developed within a social order of cultural tolerance, intellectual enquiry and knowledge. The founders of TFS thus had a public accountability towards its own institutional community regarding the past, present and future. With the academic freedom which the Act 101 on Higher Education allows, it is also important to take both objective as well as subjective facts into consideration to sustain a knowledge-driven and knowledge-dependent society. In 2004, the Central University of Technology, Free State (CUT) culminated from this historical foundation since the turn of the 18 to the 19 century.

FROM PREPARATORY TECHNICAL SCHOOL TO TECHNICAL COLLEGE
(1908-1929)

A century ago the former Boer Republic of the Orange Free State was conquered by Great Britain in a devastating war. After the Anglo-Boer War in 1901, the conquered leaders, namely President MT Steyn and Generals CR De Wet, JBM Hertzog and advisors such as W Brebner, regularly held private meetings under the "olive tree of conspiracy" on the farm Onze Rust outside Bloemfontein to plan how to rebuild the community of the Orange Free State.

One of the most important decisions was to start an independent newspaper, The Friend, with the government money of the former republic which Brebner invested in Russia during the war. They especially concentrated on educational matters, inter alia the foundation of a Normal and Polytechnical School as well as a Preparatory (Voorbereidende) and Technical ( Technische Hoche) School in. Bloemfontein (Historical document. Motheo College).

The Anglo Boer War initiated a new understanding for technical training. This resulted from first hand experience and exposure to the latest chemical weapons of that time, air balloons and telecommunications. Soldiers were also interned as prisoners of war abroad where they learned new handcrafts. During the war, in 1900, the new century started with a world show in Paris where motor cars, telecommunications and electrical technology were displayed as the introduction to modernism.

Traditional farmers whose farms were destroyed, became city dwellers. Genl. JBM Hertzog (whose house is about 500 metres from the current CUT-Campus) especially played a formidable role in the foundation of the National Academy for Science and Arts in the staffroom of the Polytechnical School in July 1909. As member of Parliament and eventual premier of South Africa, he was also the power behind the establishment of ISCOR and ESCOM (cf. Le Roux. et. al ).

During his term as Premier and Minister for Foreign Affairs, he was also well acquainted with the secrets regarding the American interest in South African uranium and the Teller experiments (c. 1934-1939) which eventually culminated, after his death, in the first nuclear explosion in 1945 on the city of Hiroshima in Japan.

Hertzog was a reader of Albert Einstein's ideas on relativism, while his political opponent Genl. J C Smuts introduced the philosophy of holism. Both of them thus influenced the political ideology of the two groups within South African White Politics The followers, of Hertzog did not regard themselves as part of the movement of Smuts who viewed South Africa as part of the bigger British Common Wealth and who was also a founder member of the United Nations. However, three main streams of ideology, running concurrently from the Anglo Boer War, through World War One, the Russian Revolution and World War Two, directly influenced the citizenry of the Orange Free State, namely, emerging Black nationalism, Afrikaner nationalism and enlightened internationalism (read globalisation).

The Black population was not awarded by the British Seyesemane - (Sesotho word for Englishman which means "say yes man") for their assistance against the Boer soldiers after the Anglo Boer War, but were instead confined to locations (black townships). They were also not generally trained as technicians and journeymen. Subsequently after the country wide strike of 1922 they resorted to Communism and trade unionism. The there was Leninism which soon merged with the passive resistance ideology of Ghandi (India) and Marcus Garvey (USA) and started to voice their need for black empowerment- Black national movements inspired by leaders like Martin Luther King in the USA eventually emerged after World War Two, but Blacks were still not allowed to become craftsmen.

Simultaneousely the cultural influence of the Roman Catholic Church from the neighbouring British Protectorate, Basutoland (now Lesotho) on the Black population of the Free State (Sotho), also formed an eminent factor in the eventual ideological sub-streams. The nearest tertiary institution for blacks was the National University of Basotho Land in Roma which was established by the Roman Catholic Church.

On the other side of the border the Anglican church schools provided most of the basic education for Black learners in the Free State. The Anglican Monastery at Modderpoort next to the Lesotho border which served as a hide out for former political exiles of the Free State, was also transformed into the Zionist Christian Church during 1970. It comprises an amalgamation of Christian and African traditions. Africanization of protestantism and catholisism introduced a totally new value system of Western capitalism next to tribal socialism.

The strong pro-British colonialist white population who aligned themselves against the Germans in World Wars I and II, were the privileged class, who were employed and trained as craftsmen to assist Great Britain in her wars. The Bloemfontein Railway workshops got a tremendous boost from the war industry which actually stimulated the growth of the city ,and its educational institutions, especially the Technical College (Free State Province Colleges, 1998).

Apprentices received their training mainly from tutors in the railway workshops. A form of co-operative (experiential) training system like the British Industrial Distance Education model were merged with Technical College theoretical training (De Beer, 1994).

Economically and culturally the railway worker, journeymen and operator were strongly influenced by British socialism and trade unionism (providing free housing, medical care, transport and uniforms). Socialism was taken for granted at this stage in this sphere.

A strong faction of the Afrikaans speaking population who was opposed to British Imperialism was also against Communism. They associated themselves with the Israelites of the Old Testament as the chosen nation of God. (Malan, 1948) Because they were against the war efforts of their colonial masters they rebelled and reverted to sabotage and sub-version. Consequently they became the underdog and suffered because of unemployment in the so-called poor white era with little exposure to technical college training. Their cultural leaders started a secretive Brotherhood ("Broederbond") and initiated an Afrikaner bank (Volkskas), an insurance company (SANLAM) and encouraged technical high schools for Afrikaner boys. They also commemorated the Great Trek with a Symbolic Wagon Trek (1938). This encouraged Afrikaner nationalism tremendously. They also started a secret organisation "Trekmaats" (Trek mates) in the city of Bloemfontein which culminated in the "Ruiterwag" (Boer Calvary Guards ) as youth league of the senior Brotherhood to enhance their educational and cultural needs.

FROM TECHNICAL COLLEGE TO COLLEGE FOR ADVANCED TECHNICAL EDUCATION (1929-1979)

Afrikaner Cultural leaders within the aforementioned era, ("Brotherhood" and "CalvaryGuards") endeavoured to establish a Faculty of Engineering at the local University of the Orange Free State, but all in vain due to the absence of other heavy industries, besides the SA Railways. However, the need for advanced technical education was propagated on the highest political and governmental levels.

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The "Afrikaner Brotherhood" influenced their youth league to initiate political processes within the National Party constituency of Raadzaal in which the Technical College also resided.

During the very first constitutional changes for multi-cultural democracy of the National Party-ruled government a split was caused in Afrikaner organisations. Some resigned from the "Brotherhood" and formed a right wing faction within the "Calvary Guard" (Payze, 1997).

The National Ministry of that time favoured an Institute for Technology, but the so-called enlightened group took further initiatives with the support of very prominent Free Masons of the Irish Rite in the city to establish a College for Advanced Technical Training in Bloemfontein. It was also during this period, that a battle ensued to acquire not only a "Technical Institute" but a fully fledged technikon. Colleges for Advanced Training were renamed. Afrikaans speaking officials insisted that the "k" in the word Technikon should remain for the Afrikaans term "kollege" when the English part of the name was merged with reference to British polytechnics which later became part of open universities.

A faction of the once staunch conservative Afrikaners who were heavily opposed to Free Masonary, even took hands in laying the foundations of Technikon OFS on the basis of holistic and global concepts of technological training. The global debate soon dictated the differentiation process between technical and technological training.

FROM TECHNIKON ORANGE FREE STATE (TOFS) TO TECHNIKON FREE STATE (TFS) (1981-1994)

During this period, Technikon Free State went through a struggle for tertiary autonomy. It had to establish itself next to the University of the OFS and other traditional academic institutions such as the Technical College. As in the case of the Higher Education history in Europe, technical education, which was often provided by firms, was seen in opposition to general education. Although the replacement of education by training had to happen to meet the needs of the labour market, it met with considerable resistance (Touraine, 1980: 190).

Education was all of a sudden entrusted to worker alliances (trade unions) and not only academics at universities. This international trend defined the distinction between universities and technological or polytechnic institutions especially in Germany and the United Kingdom. Tt became a choice between elitest humanism and a techno-bureaucratic professionalization (Ibid).

However, it would be extremely dangerous to set an ideological university in opposition to a technological university, for both concepts should be equally rejected. Yet, the UOFS was then still confined within the national framework and not internationally transformed to combine a mass education system especially for the needs of the African continent.

The omission of the word "Orange" in the name of this province is significant. After the new constitutional dispensation was installed in 1994, the name of the Province of the Orange Free State had to change for a variety of political reasons, such as the idea to counteract the colonialist legacies.

Without any further speculation, the Technikon also changed its name to only Technikon Free State, while the University of the Orange Free State at that stage, was curtailed by law to keep the same name (cf. INCH-CIippings:1995).

FROM TECHNIKON FREE STATE TO THE CENTRAL UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY, FREE STATE (CUT)

Technology and science play an integrated role in production. Thus, says Touraine (cf. Ibid), HEI's, such as the TFS in collaboration with the UOFS, should offer short courses in which the emphasis is placed on technological rather than scientific knowledge with the aim to provide instruction in professional work as directly as possible to lead to specific jobs. It should not be attached to the idea that research is a sign of a higher status and direct professional training a lower one.

Research also takes place outside the university while training can be done through distance education (flexible learning). It is suggested that this disintegration might even cause the disappearance of traditional learners and teachers altogether.

Open Distance E-Learning (ODeL)

In moving towards a holistic approach towards globalisation, the advent of telematics could have an impact by the turn of this century in improving quality and lowering the costs of university education (J D Davidson and W Rees - Mogg ,1994). The availability of real-time, high quality imagery and sound would enable HEI's to syndicate the best lecturers nationwide and even internationally through distance education modes. Great advances in science tend to occur after technological innovation has given the human mind access to a broader range of information (cf Higher Education Act 101, 1998).

However, a new form of imperialism through information technology education emerged. Although it may sound exciting to explore the horizons of all the digital distance education possibilities on the Internet, one should always remain aware of the imposition of foreign culturalism. Underdeveloped nations, especially in Africa, fell prey to this new method of "doing battle for the minds and hearts " of the intelligenstia (PZN, December 1998). The capitalistic strong do what they can and the socialistic weak suffer what they must.

The former TOFS was the very first technikon to open an off campus branch at the Kroonstad Correctional Services satellite campus. Eventualy regional learning centres were opened at Kimberley, Welkom and Phuthaditjhaba in Qwaqwa. After restructuring plocies of the Department of Education (DoE), the former Vista University in Welkom was integrated with the CUT while the Qwaqwa facility was closed down in favour of traditional university education by the Satellite Campus of the University of the Free State. Unfortunately the DoE only later realised that technological education is more important for that region within the Free State Higher Education Trust's tri-campus proposal(cf. DoE visitation to the CUT, 2006).

Simultaneously, E-learning and educational technology delivery modes were developed and connected via the intranet of the CUT to serve learners after hours as well.

POST MODERNISM AND TRADE UNIONISM

It is inevitable that the historical foundation of Technikon Free State in the British understanding of science, should have applied scientific contents, which implies physics, mathematics and biology. Exclusive concentration on a small field should not lead to the disintegration of learning. The emphasis on the development of personalities should not be sacrificed in favour of being technical experts. Subsequently the Central University of Technology in the making, had to cope with the Post modernistic ideas of the New World (virtual) university order. Practical labour and academic theory formed new mergers for survival in a massificated world population of technological globalisation, ie. the information explosion.

In South Africa the Department of Labour determines the Outcomes Based Education curricula and co-operate in the National Commission for Higher Education to implement the National Qualification Framework's standard learning units. Labour representatives on the advisory committees assist to determine the syllabuses of Technikon Free State while students are exposed to trade unions during experiential training.

The ideologies of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) will play a definite political role in contemporary politics. Most of the voters of the Free State live in the Gold Fields where their political and ideological strongholds are situated and demand authentic representation in the Free State Provincial Government and governance structures of Free State HEI's. Eventually other socialistic ideologies also influenced the Board and management of the newly established CUT. Totally different to the British socialistic legacies which formed part of the former TFS's historical foundations.

All in all, a labour related and trade unionist destination with a very strong socialist impact was inevitable. The academic leadership had to submit their research in such a way that the outcomes had to be practical and useful for the whole community of the Free State (Magazine for Human Sciences, 1998: 4). They also had to taking in account how to develop scientifically - "accountable technology" and how to "customise" (read Africanise) technology - inter alia the technology which has been developed by other scientific cultures. CUT,Foreistata was immediately confronted with a new scientific and technological system so that learners can build their own careers on it. It should carry them into the new millenium. In toto it means "education for survival".

AFRICANISATION VERSUS CAPITALISM

The ideological battle within the ANC-SACP-COSATU government alliance in Black politics, started in the Fifties when the ANC formulated its Freedom Charter in an effort to merge liberal non-racist capitalism with socialistic views. It also allowed contributions from whites.

In 1959 the ANC was torn apart when the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) was established in opposition to the multi-racial character of the Freedom-Charter. The PAC pleaded for a pure Black government (fundamental Africanisation) which formed the dividing line of Black politics. The PAC, AZAPO/AZANU, AZAZM, The Unity Movement, the National Forum and The Pan Africanist Movement, propagated workers' socialism and constructed their military strategies on the ideologies of Mao Tse Tung. (APLA).

In protest against the Three Chamber Parliamentary Constitution of the former NP-government which did not provide for a fourth (Black) chamber, the National Forum (NF) was formed in 1983. It consisted mainly of Black consciousness groups who openly propagated socialism. Very important to note was that the NF linked capitalism to racism, "Apartheid shall be destroyed together with the system of racist-capitalism" (cf. INCH Clippings, 1998). Typical international transformers of the legacy of capitalism also share a global common premise of "new oppression" ideologies. "They presume that culture has no role to play in preparing either an individual or society for success or failure. They seem to think that culture's sole purpose is to disguise and perpetuate claims for privilege among the dominant groups. This extreme relativism has led to an active and hostile rejection of the culture of Western achievement" (Davidson1994: p. 110).

However, Africanisation in actual fact means Africa for the Africans. While fundamental Africanists only regard Black people as true Africans, a great majority of South Africans, who were born in Africa, also associated themselves with afrocentric multi-culturalism. To understand this statement, it is necessary to evaluate the contemporary history of fundamental and multi-cultural Africanists!

During that same year the non racist United Democratic Front (UDF) which was in favour of a mixed economy, was formed. After the unbanning of all political cultural and labour trade union organisations in 1990, most of the people joined the UDF. The ideological streams of socialism versus capitalism therefore still remains real politic nationally, and especially in the Free State province with the very strong National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) in the Gold Fields. It is from this rather fragile foundation which the eventual destination of technological education vis a vis training will articulate the future trends of the current CUT and its co-operative teaching (experiential training with the consent of trade unions and student organisations). - A fragile foundation in respect of the Black concepts of Marxism and British socialism. Russian and Cuban (COSATU) versus Chinese (MaoTsetung/NACTU) ideological legacies.

Other aspects, e.g. the illegal Nigerian immigrants (an estimated 250 000) in the Gold Fields may also be a determining factor whether black politicians will still tolerate the subsequent crime factor that goes along with this foreign phenomonen in their midst. Black on Black violence stimulates new ideological re-thinking about Africanization at the moment in South Africa (Rapport,2006).

The Chinese immigrant factor from Lesotho into the Free State may also stimulated part of the ideological foundation of the new PAC-youth league and it is still to be researched whether they will re-associate themselves with the new political movement of China towards a more "open market" system. Especially associated student organisations are exposed to this new emerging super power on the international horizon. While USSR-imperialism collapsed with the fall of the Berlin wall in the era of their Perestroika and Glassnost policies. This international hiatus immediately stimulated Chinese expansion even further. It never intended to cease.

CONCLUSIONS

In educational and labour legislation there are more challenges than meet the eye to redress (legacies of the past) in terms of true democracy and public accountability. Various socialistic ideologies as previously discussed, especially within the context of technological education, will influence the means and ways of how the Acts in this regard will be implemented or respected. Still, the emphasis on technological education is a very positive aspect of the Higher Act because it addresses the real needs of a developing country like South Africa.

Unfortunately, it is also the most volatile part of education due to the political forces in trade unions that can bedevil the outcomes. Trade unions at Higher Education Institutions (HEI's) already show cased their power to expell principals and to influence their boards to elect new chief executive officers according to their preferences. Also at the CUT.

There is also the historical baggage from the colonial past. Substantial research still has to be done on how to redress the legacy of British colonialism on South African labour laws, i.e. deregulating apprenticeship training of the colonial past and allowing more freedom even under the present revised Labour Laws. Only a small group of people become wealthier in the so called Free Market economy while the mass suffer increasing poverty which keep them out of expensive technological education. An open access socialistic system of free Higher Education on academic merit such as in Sweden, is therefore propagated. An economic system of modern socialism for basic needs (water, housing, education and health services) are regarded as part of the natural contract between the State and its citizens who elected government.

To conclude with another projected observation, the influence of organised religion in the Free State should not be underestimated. Especially the Roman Catholic and Zionist Christian Church in the Free State have a lot of influence. This might also influence the ideological reasoning of future academics at the CUT,Foreistata. Their voice of reason already influences the "pitso" or "indaba" (meetings) of traditional leaders. In this respect the last word on Black traditional ideology in Higher Technological Education has not been spoken.

On the overall hind sight, the CUT thus continues with the original foundation principles of the very first founders of technical and eventually technological education in the Free State where its roots can be traced back into history up to its 25th year celebrations in 2006 as an indepedent Higher Education Institution.

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