Trends in Conflict Resolution in Southern Africa

Trends in Conflict Resolution in Southern Africa – Kallie de Beer and Khosana Tladi (South Africa) ABSTRACT The United States of America’s newly elected president, Barack Obama, stemming from Afro-American roots, thrust the politics of conflict into an example of political literacy for contemporary deprived neighbourhoods and villages. In the spirit of democratic governance and subsequent conflict resolution for social justice, the Commonwealth of Learning (COL) at its biennial forum (University of London: 2008) also pre-empted new research on how to influence community leaders through work-integrated learning or cooperative education modules supported by Open, Distance and E-learning (ODEL) modes and Open Education Resources (OER). In opening up means to reconcile conflicts and transforming adversarial norms into cooperative examples where all human livelihoods are respected – instead of solving conflicts through the sights of assault weaponry – ODEL and OER could provide an ideal alternative within a holistic civil education (political literacy) project of COL‘s infrastructure and its international partners, e.g. UNESCO, on the African continent. While other chapters deal with the implementation of interactive media to enhance an understanding of diversity in areas of conflict, this chapter focuses on a South African analysis of the University of the Free State’s Programme in Governance and Political Transformation (UFS, 2009). This research explores, for example, conflicts in southern Africa with emphasis on the Republic of Lesotho along the conflict transformation “pyramid model” of Paul Lederach. This model seeks to comprehensively transform conflict, governance and political change. It could also be generically adapted with ODEL delivery modes and OER support systems for Adult Basic Education and Training (ABET) and work-integrated systems in southern African states (SADC) to influence top, middle and bottom levels of society. Figure 1: Political Map of Southern Africa (Google, 2009) INTRODUCTION Africa has always been on the agendas of international organisations for various reasons – more so now after the election of USA President Barack Obama as the first “black” person to occupy such a high position in world politics. Hope flared that Obama would come to the rescue and solve many of Africa’s problems. However, former US governments had huge African aid schemes, but conflicts still plagued parts of post-colonial Africa and southern Africa for decades, causing the collapse of socio-economic structures with unnecessary political tension. Aid and money often end up in the hands of corrupt government officials or warlords. Unfortunately there are no quick fixes for African states in conflict. Education and health services in particular have suffered, and socio-economic development has also been severely retarded by conflicts (Murithi, 2006:243). Typical examples are the post-2006 situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Kenya, the situation in Zimbabwe following the 2008 general elections (Hagg, 2008:2-3) and the Republic of Lesotho. Lesotho could serve as an example of how Open and Distance E-learning (ODEL) can be implemented in a land-locked African state as with Swaziland, Botswana, Malawi and many other northern and western African states. When international concerns constructed the Katse Dam and the Malibamatso Hydro-electrical Scheme in Lesotho, American distance educators pioneered the remote areas to teach English through in Adult Basic Education and Training (ABET) at Thaba-Tseka and Leribe. Those learners eventually went on to work on the dam wall and build a tar road from South Africa to this remote mountain site. Eventually these ABE centres became linked to the distance education programmes of the National University of Lesotho (NUL) at Roma and its Institute for Extra-mural Studies (IEMS) in the capital, Maseru (De Beer, 1995). Basutoland (as Lesotho was formerly known) use to be a protectorate of the British Empire, and after independence the country supported the anti-apartheid struggle against the former SA government and was regularly raided by SA anti-insurgency units. However, the country has also suffered ongoing internal conflict until quite recently. Fortunately Lesotho is experiencing a post-conflict era at this point in time. Reviewers of COL’s Forum for 2008 recommended to researchers in Governance, Conflict and Social Justice that they keep post-conflict regions in mind, i.e. sustainability, as well as workable examples (De Beer & De Montfort, 2008). Lesotho can also be used as a case study in this respect. The term “post-conflict reconstruction” refers to the medium- to long-term process of rebuilding war-affected communities. This includes the process of rebuilding the political, security, social and economic dimensions of a society emerging from conflict. It also involves addressing the root causes of the conflict and promoting social and economic justice, as well as putting in place political structures of governance and the rule of law in order to consolidate peace-building, development and reconciliation (Murithi, 2006:250). The above notion of post-conflict reconstruction as a medium- to long-term process of peace-building within affected communities is supported by thinkers such as Lederach (1995:3). His views of long-term peace-building processes are based on two variables, namely the balance of power and the awareness of conflicting interests and needs. Finally, the study of conflict transformation seeks to contribute to the understanding of the historical root causes and trajectories of the political conflict in Lesotho as an example and the effect that joint military intervention by South Africa, Botswana and Namibia had on the SADC (Southern African Development Community). Lederach’s pyramid model to analyse and manage conflict is applied to illustrate how the top, middle and bottom (grassroots) levels of decision-makers could be identified. As to how the application of Lederach’s diagrams can facilitate our understanding later on is that when there is conflict, there will be different levels of leadership that will play different roles and take different approaches in their attempts to transform conflict together. The diagrams further assist us in understanding that at different levels of the conflict in the community there should be different role players brought together around the table to discuss the issues and their effects on the community in view of sustainable peace-building (Tladi, 2009). According to Munro (2008) it is essential to influence those identified decision-makers, for example the level leaderships in Lederach’s pyramid, with peacekeeping thinking. Once they have bought in, civil education (read political literacy) programmes could be established with ODEL and OER to sustain long-term solutions complying with Lederach’s ideas to identify decision-makers. Subsequently, conflict transformation refers to the process of moving from conflict-habituated systems to peace systems. According to Notter and Diamond (1996:5) this process is distinguished from the more common term “conflict resolution” because of its focus on system change. Social conflicts that are deep rooted or intractable are labelled as such because conflict has created patterns that have become part of the social system, and, with the social system as the unit of analysis, the term “resolution” becomes less appropriate. Transforming deep-rooted conflict is only partly about “resolving” the issues of the conflict. The central issue is systemic change or transformation. Systems cannot be “resolved”, but they can be transformed – thus the use of the term “conflict transformation”. Therefore, conflict transformation must become a civil education process with ODEL and OER support systems to generate and create platforms that can simultaneously address change, surfacing issues and underlying social structures and relationship patterns in neighbourhoods to fit in with Lederach’s “pyramid model” (Cf. Lederach, 1995:50). The following diagram (Figure 2) illustrates the integration of leadership (read decision-makers) and approaches to conflict transformation in the long-term peace-building process. FEW Affected Population Many Figure 2: Lederach’s Pyramid Model (Lederach, 1995:50) Top leadership represents political, religious and military leaders with a key role to play in a conflict and who are often top government and opposition leaders who speak for their respective constituencies. Middle-range leadership acts within the conflict situation and experiences the immediate impact thereof on the communities involved. This level of leadership includes ethnic groups, religious groups, academic institutions and humanitarian organisations, which are typically well recognised and respected by their own people and also within the broader network. They have a remarkable capacity to influence the decisions of policymakers, and their access the top and grassroots levels gives them a special advantage over the other levels. While they can communicate with top-level leaders, they are not bound by the political calculations governing decisions at that level (Cf. Lederach, 1997:41). Grassroots leadership represents ordinary citizens at the base of society. The local level can be seen as a microcosm of the larger conflict, with local communities often split into conflicting groups along lines of identity. There is often deep-rooted hatred and animosity in such communities, which can spill over into daily conflict. On this level, Adult Basic Education and Training programmes could be implemented to reach far-off communities with ODEL delivery systems and OER materials. For example, the Christian Health Association of Liberia (Africa) works within the broader community and public health programmes to deal with post-war trauma by reducing prejudice and enhancing community decision-making (Tladi, 2009:57). CONCEPTUAL THREADS Researchers such as Anstey (1991:4) define conflict as in a relationship when “parties believe that their aspirations cannot be achieved simultaneously or perceive a divergence in their power in an effort to defeat, neutralise or eliminate each other to protect or further their interests in the interaction”. On a cultural level, transformation is linked to the idea of peace-building from below. It seeks to identify, promote and build on the resources and mechanisms within a cultural setting in order to constructively respond to and deal with conflict (Curle, 1990:10). Conflict peacekeeping modules are constructed precisely to develop such skills (Cf. UNITAR POCI, 2009). For purposes of this study, the authors also compared the literature of conflict transformation proponents such as Galtung (1996), Rupesinghe (2007) and Lederach (1995, 1997). In an overview of the development in the conflict transformation field, Galtung (1996:51) emphasises the way in which conflict transformation can be achieved by peaceful means, focusing on four traditional but unsatisfactory ways of dealing with conflicts between two parties, namely: 1) A wins and B loses; 2) B wins and A loses; 3) The solution is postponed because neither A nor B feels ready to end the conflict; or 4) A confused compromise is reached, with which neither A nor B is satisfied. Therefore, Galtung’s method tries to break with these four unsatisfactory ways of dealing with conflict by finding a “fifth way”, where both A and B feel that they have won. The quoted models could be downloaded as open education materials from the internet (Cf. Google, 2009) to serve as learning materials on how the political conflicts in Lesotho sprang up from different phases of the national and local general elections and how Lederach’s conflict transformation “pyramid model” could subsequently be applied in rectifying the wrongs (truth), creating the right relationships based on equity (including gender issues) and fairness (justice), and supporting persons who have committed injustices, encouraging them to change. To accomplish these objectives, the study pursues the following objectives:  Illustrating practical methods of dealing with political conflict that could be supported with ODEL and OER in Africa;  Providing a theoretical background of other theories and concepts of conflict transformation for Cooperative Education, Work-integrated Learning (WIL) or ABET; and  Applying Lederach’s “pyramid model” of conflict transformation to Lesotho to determine the suitability of a lifelong learning model in resolving political conflict with civil education (OER material) supported by ODEL delivery systems. In this regard, the study is deductive because it promotes the use of ODEL and OER to illustrate how preliminary academic research is necessary to construct fit-for-purpose materials and delivery systems. Theoretical frameworks in turn lead to practical examples in explaining certain conflict phenomena within a certain political environment. ODEL with OER materials could therefore serve as useful tools to break down common stereotypes in comparing and counteracting phobias that are so easily created by politicians for their own agendas. Differentiation skills are evenly developed by OER to discern between the fables often created by the state-controlled media and real scientific research facts that could enhance sustainable resolutions. To break down inaccurate stereotypes within communities of conflict, there are absolutely no short cuts! “The father of fear is the grandfather of ignorance (illiteracy)” (Cf. Dugan, 2004). In e-mail correspondence with C. Spies (Spies, 2009) regarding the quote above, he elaborated by citing Dugan (2004): “At least since Allport's generative book on prejudice in 1954, the contact hypothesis has been the backbone of a high percentage of efforts to reduce prejudice. Simply stated the hypothesis is that the increased knowledge resulting from increased contact will reduce prejudice levels. The hypothesis makes sense. Fear is a major cause of prejudice. In the case of the other, we have ‘a fear of the unknown, a fear of the unfamiliar. If fear is the father of prejudice, ignorance is its grandfather’ (Stephan & Stephan, 2000:38). This is not only common sense, it is supported by research. In their preliminary meta-analysis of over 200 research studies, Pettigrew and Tropp found that ‘the initial answer to our query is that intergroup contact generally does relate negatively to prejudice’ (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2000:98)“ (Dugan, 2004). Consequently, politically illiterate (read ignorant) citizens often fall prey to exploitation by politicians and warlords in southern Africa. Subsequently they have to be educated with lifelong learning skills supported by ODEL and OER on a continuous basis (De Beer & De Montfort, 2008). It is one of the goals of the Peacekeeping Operations Correspondence Instruction (POCI) modules of the United Nations Institute for Training and Research (UNITAR) in Geneva to educate people on the historical background of conflicts and to develop possible skills for finding resolutions (Cf. UNITAR-POCI, 2009). From peacekeeping research it can be derived that three perspectives on sociological theories emerged after the end of World War II. Firstly, there is structural functionalism (meaning a process that takes an objective view of society from a macro perspective and emphasises social order and social and social stability, but not conflict), which provides that society is made up of different institutions or organisations that work together in cooperation, maintaining orderly relationships to observe social order and social stability (Plange, 1996:60). Secondly, there is symbolic interaction theory, which takes the position that it is people who exist and act. All the other “structures” found in society are nothing but human creations, and society is always in the process of being created, which occurs through communication and negotiation (Robertson, 1989:15). Thirdly, there is the conflict theory, which repudiates the notion that society is relatively harmonious. In fact, the conflict theory by no means views society as a system that is depicted as dichotomous groups exhibiting unequal power and unequal life changes. The conflict theory argues that the unequal distribution of wealth, power, status and opportunity is the centre feature of society (Elliot & John, 1971:10). However, the act of ignoring cultural differences and diversity while emphasising material inequalities serves as a typical example of stereotyping conflict resolution. Further research is thus important, for example:  Definition of concepts: Conflict is viewed from two approaches, namely the subjectivist approach and the objectivist approach. The objectivist approach looks at the origin of conflict in the social and political make-up and structure of society, and considers whether the goals at stake can be thoroughly compatible (Schmid, 1968:217-232). On the contrary, the subjectivist point of view focuses primarily on the perceived incompatibility of goals and differences, and, as Deutsch (1991:30) argues, “…it is incompatible differences which give rise to conflict…it is not the objective incompatibility that is crucial but rather the perceived incompatibility”; and  The fact that conflicts have both life-affirming and life-destroying aspects and they form contradictions in the structure of society (Galtung, 1996:90). Once formed, conflict is prone to escalate and undergo a variety of transformational processes, namely: articulation or de-articulation, conscientisation, complexification or simplification, polarisation or de-polarisation, escalation or de-escalation, or an interactive process of attack and retaliation, which lead to a self-perpetuating cycle as understood by Lund (1996:133-134). Most important is to research the suffering of women and children in conflicts all over the world, especially on the African continent (De Beer & De Montfort, 2008). Since the adoption of the Beijing Platform for Action in 1995, countries have been encouraged to mainstream women in government, civil society, business, academics, and the corporate and informal sectors, which in turn will institutionalise gender equity for furthering good governance, transparency and accountability. This is indeed the case with Lesotho, where a number of government ministers are women and there is a 30 per cent quota for women in local government (Tladi, 2009). The Concise Oxford English Dictionary (Soanes & Stevenson, 2004:110) defines the term “political” as “relating to the government or public affairs of a country”. The term “political”, derived from the Latin politicus, is flexibly interrelated and interchanged with many other concepts such as political-structural, institutional, sanctioned, government authority, legitimacy, and lawful. Winter and Bellows (1992:11) propose that political conflict involves the use of power (by the mobilising of support) in a struggle between collective actors who are trying to consolidate a political power base in order to eliminate rivals in an attempt to gain control over the allocation of authoritative values or to prevent others from gaining these advantages. An example of political conflict is the pre-1994 situation in South Africa, namely the white minority’s quest to control the black majority. Ideological conflict arises when certain groupings believe that their ideologies are superior to those of other groupings (a situation common in the current conflict between the Israelis and the Palestinians). Economic conflict arises when individuals or groupings struggle to ensure control over desired resources (a typical example being the conflict between parties seeking to secure access to diamonds in the Congo Delta). Social conflict arises from inequalities among different communities based on ethnic or religious support (for instance the centuries-old conflict between Muslims and Christians, who each professes to be superior to the other in terms of religious beliefs). Cultural conflict is often based on underlying language issues – a case in point being the recent South African situation where certain foreign nationals such as Mozambicans and Zimbabweans, unable to speak certain local languages, fell victim to xenophobic attacks (Mail & Guardian, 2008:1). Psychological conflict arises from feelings of unfulfilled expectations and needs – for example, recent sporadic uprisings and marches in the Free State province of South Africa, where communities of the town of Harrismith expressed their dissatisfaction with the government’s failure to honour service-delivery promises (Van Wyk, 2006:1). In comparing other African examples, one could cite the 1997 clash in Mombasa, Kenya, where the ruling party and government enjoyed parliamentary majority support from the National Convention Assembly (NCA) and its executive arm, namely the National Convention Executive Council. The ruling party, the Kenya African National Union (KANU), and its government denied opposition parties in their small formations to register for the 1997 multiparty elections. This enraged the Islamic Party of Kenya and the National Democratic Union (NADU), which in turn galvanised their support and clashed with the government (Oyugi, 2002:11). METHODS OF DEALING WITH CONFLICT Conflict prevention: Burton (1990:242) defines conflict prevention as “an approach to determine conditions that create an environment of conflict, as well as the structural changes necessary to remove that conflict, and also the promotion of conditions to create more co-operative relationships instead of conflictual relationships among stakeholders”. In support of the above definition, Miall, Ramsbotham and Woodhouse (1999:48) state that conflict prevention is “a proactive capability within societies to predict and avoid destructive conflict by the spread of the problem-solving method and philosophy through all relevant institutions, discourse and practices”. ODEL and OER initiatives could precisely be regarded as proactive methods to ensure safer neighbourhoods for citizens living together in social justice. Conflict management: Peacekeeping Operations Correspondence Instruction (POCI) can be regarded as courses in Human Resource Management or even Project Management, because it has to do with managing people in conflict zones while dealing simultaneously with the parties in conflict. (Cf. UNITAR-POCI, 2009). Bloomfield and Reilly (1998:18) define conflict management as a positive and constructive way of handling differences between conflicting parties. Rather than advocating methods of removing conflict, it addresses the more realistic question of managing conflict. For instance: How can conflict be dealt with in a constructive process? How can opposing sides be brought together in a cooperative process? How can a practical, achievable and cooperative system be designed for the constructive management of differences? This method was fully demonstrated in Sierra Leone between 1990 and 1999, when the country was marked by a struggle for the redistribution of scarce resources, with mismanagement and corruption the order of the day. The country was economically and politically on the verge of collapse. In trying to manage the Sierra Leone situation, the Lome Peace Agreement of July 1999 was signed and monitored by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) (Richards, 2003:15). Conflict resolution: ODEL for ABET must become part of the social process to develop or enhance the livelihoods of communities. Wallensteen (2002:50) also views conflict resolution as a social situation where the conflicting parties, by means of a voluntary agreement, resolve to peacefully live with their central incompatibilities, accept one another’s continued existence as parties, and cease all violent actions against one another. In this definition, conflict resolution is seen as a social process, and the importance of the parties themselves and their voluntary actions is emphasised. Amplifying this method of dealing with conflict is the situation that occurred in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) – formerly known as Zaire – between the years 1994 and 1999, when the president became the cause of conflict by oppressing all political opponents and treating them extremely harshly, thus resulting in the institutionalisation of power. Later, when Laurent Kabila assumed control over that government in 1997, he used different tactics that merely escalated the conflict. He changed the name of the country from Zaire to the Democratic Republic of the Congo and banned all political activities. Moreover, he rewarded his allies, namely the Congolese Tutsi, with senior administrative positions, and marginalised the Banyamulenge Tutsis. His actions consistently encouraged resistance from opposition parties and civil society at large. In July of 1999, the Lusaka Peace Agreement was signed as a method of conflict resolution, outlining the cessation of hostilities, as well as democratisation, disarmament and peacekeeping arrangements, amongst other things (Solomon & Mngqibisa, 2000:4). Conflict settlement: According to Reimann (2005:8) conflict settlement implies a definite end to direct violence, without necessarily addressing the basic causes of the conflict. Conflict transformation: Lederach (1995:15) prioritises conflict transformation as actively envisioning transformation, including respecting and promoting the human and cultural resources from within a given setting. This involves a new set of lenses through which the setting and the people in it are not primarily seen as the problem and the outsider as the answer – rather, it involves all stakeholders. Lenses focusing on actors and approaches at different levels in a population affected by conflict Figure 3: Lederach (1997:80) The idea is to merge the above system to the “Good Governance” aims of COL. to assist governments and institutions to expand the scope of learning and capacity-building via ODL using appropriate technology, including self-learning text materials, radio, DVDs, SMS, internet and audio formats. COL prioritises the participation of deprived women and children. The strategy is to “infiltrate” the social structures and to reach the non-government sector, as well as elected government officials, with work-integrated and lifelong learning modes, re: • Decision-making processes and structures • Leadership skills • Roles and responsibilities • Gender mainstreaming • Capacity development that facilitates participation: • Conflict resolution skills • Strengthening linkages to connect communities to larger networks • Empowerment of girls and women in the community (COL, 2006) FINDINGS The Republic of Lesotho as an independent country arising from colonialism has witnessed a variety of political complications, including political instability, failure to effectively manage the process of demilitarisation and civil military relations, as well as intra-party conflicts and political party fragmentation. These complications created and laid a strong foundation for continued conflict between and amongst the different role players, such as government, political parties and civil society in Lesotho. This in turn made Lesotho vulnerable and challenged by political conflict revolving around the distribution of resources, electoral systems, behaviour of the political elite, youth alienation, political participation and continuous questioning of the legitimacy of government by different political parties and civil society. Research by Tladi (2009) clearly indicates that the grassroots leadership was eventually bestowed with the following values and principles of democratic processes: A sense of belonging, associated with constitutional rights; the strengthening of the fundamental principles of good governance and open processes of dealing with political conflict, hence the positive participation of the community and its leaders in the process of political change and the elections during this period; and lastly, the initiatives and approaches of educating different members of the community about peace, conflict resolution and prejudice reduction, and democratising the community. The success of these initiatives is evident when one considers the period in question, because during the political changes and electoral processes that took place, the community and its local/grassroots leadership did not allow the top and middle-range leadership to entangle them in their differences over the election results. These research outcomes could ipso facto form part of ODEL modules for further action research projects under COL’s Governance, Conflict and Social Justice Forum. In the conceptualisation of conflict transformation, Tladi (2009) found that the “pyramid model” aims at instilling moral vision and peace-building that will promote constructive change within processes. In this process of change the model will alter communication and the social patterns of organisations and the conflicting parties concerned. ODEL IN LESOTHO Lesotho’s approach to ODEL that has been used in community initiatives to date is that of Paul West of UNISA, who initiated a plan for an electronic network for southern Africa that could be managed from Maseru, the capital of Lesotho. Unfortunately, this project failed due to lack of sustainable financial support. Sustainable examples are:  The Institute of Extra-mural Studies (IEMS) in Maseru;  The Roma campus of the National University of Lesotho (NUL);  Lesotho’s first Nepad e-Learning School in southern Africa; and  The signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between the Oracle Consortium, NEPAD and the Government of Lesotho, on 7 July 2005 in Maseru (Science in Africa, 2005) The problems facing Information and Communication Technology (ICT) in Lesotho are the following:  The challenge of first-line technical support; and  Lack of general infrastructure and electricity (Ochieng, 2007). Fortunately the Nepad e-Learning project has already been launched in 16 African countries, namely Algeria, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Egypt, Gabon, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Mali, Mauritius, Mozambique, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, Senegal and Uganda. Unfortunately, however, bureaucracy in the clearance of equipment at airports very often causes delays in African states, writes Ochieng (2007). According to Amaefule (2009) the Great Chinese Wall Industry Corporation has approved a new agreement with Nigerian Communications Satellite Limited to replace the African nation’s defunct satellite to serve the continent. In contrast to the rocket science plans at grassroots level in Lesotho, many boys and girls are not able to access education and this is a real concern, also as far as gender issues are concerned. Therefore, access to quality education has become a challenge for the youth in general in Lesotho, but this has not played any fundamental role in the development and escalation of political conflict in Lesotho. As in any other country, Lesotho’s youth is somehow unique in the manner in which they are being moulded by the dynamic culture and religious values that the country upholds. Hence, their graduation from youthfulness is linked to several socio-economic and cultural trends such as the acquisition of economic independence, attaining marital status, and undergoing initiation rites. However, in addressing the issue, the government of Lesotho has introduced a system whereby it provide free primary education, books to students at the secondary level, support to all vocational training centres through the Ministry of Education, as well as sponsorship for students who have enrolled in these centres through the National Manpower Development Secretariat (Tladi, 2009). In planning to overcome the aforementioned obstacles, the government of Lesotho embarked on the following ICT policy (Government of Lesotho, 2005): “Vision:  To create a knowledge-based society fully integrated in the global economy by 2020;  ”This ICT vision anticipates that by year 2015, Lesotho will have successfully developed and deployed ICTs that:  Respond to national needs and priorities;  Reduce inequalities between the sexes, and decrease the digital divide between urban and rural areas and the haves and have-nots;  Improve governance and deepen democracy;  Develop the human capacity needed to drive and sustain an information economy; and  Support its economic activities at home and throughout the world.” (Ibid) “Mission:  To fully integrate information and communications technologies throughout all sectors of the economy in order to realise rapid, sustainable socio-economic development; and  As Lesotho charts its course to join and fully participate in the global economy, it must embrace strategies to develop and deliver information to all its citizens. Thus, the vision and mission of the Government must be to create knowledge to fuel all sectors of the economy and enrich the intellectual capital of the nation.” (Ibid) Historically COL has been quite involved, along with the AAU and UNESCO, to develop ODEL in Commonwealth African states. Many examples in Lesotho can be cited for the period 2003-2006, e.g.:  Supporting numerous representatives from Lesotho in attending professional development programmes, forums and policy development initiatives.  Supporting active participation from Lesotho in the Virtual University for Small States of the Commonwealth (VUSSC) initiative.  Several visits by the president of COL and COL education specialists to discuss country-specific needs and to plan how COL can assist Lesotho in the achievement of its education and health objectives.  Lesotho is an active participant in the VUSSC (for more details on VUSSC, see section on pan-Commonwealth initiatives).  Lesotho is a partner in the regional centre to support the SADC countries to develop their ODL systems.  The centre was the subject of a Memorandum of Agreement between COL and the Ministry of Education of Botswana, signed in June 2004.  COL and Lesotho maintained a very successful partnership in 2003-2006, which included several face-to-face meetings to discuss future direction. In the next planning period COL’s work with Lesotho will focus on education, learning for livelihoods and the human environment.  Lesotho’s commitment to VUSSC will be an important means of support of its efforts to strengthen the education system (COL, 2006). CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS A research document on the changing attitudes towards democracy in Lesotho describes transformation in the democratic practices of the country. It reflects on three surveys on political attitudes and values conducted in 2000, 2003 and 2005. The outcomes show that overall, Lesotho's government appears to be politically stable and that democracy is regarded as a worthy political dispensation. It supports civil freedom with a growing feeling of trust in the public and government sectors (Afrobarometer, 2006). From an African policy point of view, however, it is time for the SADC to uphold the values and principles that promote human security and harness the principles of democracy and transparent governance, as enshrined in the SADC Protocol of the Organ for Politics, Defence and Security of 1996, which states that, “the Organ shall be to promote the development of democratic institutions and practices within the territories of the State Parties and encourage the observance of Universal Human Rights as provided for in the Charters and Conventions of the Organisations of African Unity and the United Nations respectively (SADC, 1996:10). Subsequently, we recommend the following:  Further international action research must be launched through: • United Nations structures (UNITAR POCI, UNESCO’s OECD, UNITWIN and UNICEF); • COL; • African Union (AU); and • World Bank.  An African higher education approach could be through: • Association for African Universities (AAU); • African Council for Distance Education (ACDE); and • African Regional University Associations for Western, Central and Southern Africa. A practical example in southern Africa is the NEPAD e-Learning project in the Meraka Institute at the Council for Science and Industrial Research (CSIR), which is expanding into the rest of Africa (Cf. Meraka Institute, 2008). The following organisations within the ODEL movement of southern Africa could gradually be expected to align their research with internationally accepted ODEL programmes, which include OER / FLOS civil education, namely:  The National Association for Distance Education and Open Learning of South Africa (NADEOSA);  The Distance Education Association for Southern Africa (DEASA);  The South African Association for Research Development in Higher Education (SAARDHE);  The Higher Education Learning and Teaching Association of Southern Africa (HELTASA); and  The South African Association for Co-operative Education (SASCE). The aforementioned international and African organisations are already in existence and have proper research infrastructures, funding donors and dedicated distance education practitioners who are eager to be part of the answer to southern African political conflict. As far as ODEL and OER are concerned, one of the burning research questions still remains, i.e. the issue of access to OER. It has the ability to extend access to global knowledge, but there are specific obstacles to achieving this ideal. ”Access is one potential barrier – and a crucial challenge” says D’Antoni (2009) of UNESCO. Finally, the ever-expanding development of new technological breakthroughs will inevitably set the pace for the immediate future such as in modern mobile generations and cloud computing. According to the 2009 Horizon Report (Johnson, Levine & Smith, 2009) some advanced higher education institutions are already using the two clusters of technology, namely “geo-everything” and the “personal web”. The use of futuristic technologies such as “semantic-aware applications” and “smart objects” may also follow quite soon in educational as well as entrepreneurial fields. BIBLIOGRAPHY Afrobarometer. 2006. 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