Learning to Live Together
using distance education for community peacebuilding
Rawwida Baksh and Tanyss Munro, Editors
Published by the
Commonwealth of Learning, Vancouver, 2009
3.
Doorways for Open and Distance
E-learning in the Kingdom of Lesotho
Kallie de Beer
Overview
The focus of this chapter is on some possibilities for using open and distance e-learning
(ODEL) for peacebuilding education in the Kingdom of Lesotho. Lesotho is a landlocked
state entirely surrounded by the Republic of South Africa. In 1868 (when it was
called Basutoland), it was declared a protectorate of the British Government together
with Botswana (then Bechuanaland) and Swaziland. This secured the survival of the
Basotho as a political entity, though they lost a significant amount of land (Odendaal,
2000). After independence in 1966, the country was challenged by conflict involving
resources, electoral systems, behaviour of the political elite, youth alienation, questioning
of the legitimacy of government and incompetent management of civil/military
relations (Tladi, 2009). The country’s geographic location within South Africa has also
contributed to its instability, particularly during the apartheid period.
Sustainable civic education is currently necessary to assure long-lasting peace and
prosperity. Post-conflict reconstruction includes the process of rebuilding the political,
security, social and economic dimensions of a society emerging from conflict. It also
involves addressing the root causes of the conflict and promoting social and economic
justice as well as the rule of law (Murithi, 2006). ODEL could provide a means to reconcile
conflicts and transform adversarial norms. The National University of Lesotho
(NUL) at the town of Roma was founded on distance education, which was linked to
the other protectorates of that time. Today, NUL is linked through a wider distance education system to Maseru (the capital), Leribe and Thaba Tseka. Other opportunities
for ODEL include the Meraka Institute’s Digital Doorway and the widespread coverage
of radio broadcasting.
The Nature of the Lesotho Conflict
During the apartheid era Lesotho became increasingly subjected to pressure because
of sheltering and protecting African National Congress (ANC) activists, now in the
South African Government, as well as refugees, and because it had established ties
with communist governments. Both of these actions were perceived as direct political
threats to the apartheid regime (Mwangi, 2007 in Mwangi, 2009). South Africa closed
the border in 1986, leading to economic disruption and a subsequent coup by the military,
which ran the country for the next seven years.
In 1995, the army staged another coup, removing the democratically elected
leader and putting King Letsie III in his place. Three years later demonstrations and
civil unrest following elections that were widely perceived as corrupt led to looting in
Maseru and the closure of the Bank of Lesotho. A key feature of the crisis was “intense
rivalry between élite-dominated political parties over access to state power and state
resources within a worsening environment of poverty, unemployment and limited economic
options” (Santho, 2000). An army mutiny meant that soldiers were unable to
control the chaos, and rumours of another coup brought in troops from the Southern
African Development Community (SADC) to stabilise the situation.
As a member of the Southern African Custom Union (SACU), Lesotho also
became increasingly economically dependent on South Africa since the latter determined
the customs rates and operated the system to protect its own economic interests
(Jaster, 1992; Mbeki and Nkosi, 1992; Mwangi, 2007 in Mwangi, 2009). The country
is two-thirds mountainous, lacks arable land and has little mineral wealth. Its main
source of income for many years was migrant labour in the South African gold mines;
this has had devastating effects on the country’s social fabric, leaving rural areas with
few working age men and high rates of HIV and AIDS (Odendaal, 2000). Its key asset
now is water, which is pumped to South Africa. During the 1998 political unrest, South
African soldiers went to “secure” the Katse Dam even though it was far from the unrest
areas, killing 11 Lesotho soldiers (ibid.).
Persistent political problems that have adversely affected Lesotho’s transition
toward and consolidation of democratic governance have included inter-party conflicts,
born of a focus more on adversarial relationships and on personalities and power, and
less on substantive policy debate; intra-party conflict leading to factionalisation and
splits within established political parties, thus fostering a culture of contentious and
divisive politics; tensions between traditional and elected leaders at local government level (because elected and appointed local councils are assuming roles traditionally
exercised by chiefs and because the role of the chiefs has had to be redefined); and tensions
between principal chiefs and political parties in parliament, as the relationship
between the two still needed creative elaboration (Mwangi, 2009).
A recent research document on the changing attitudes towards democracy in the
country, however, describes a transformation of its democratic practices. It reflects on
three surveys on political attitudes and values conducted in 2000, 2003 and 2005.
The outcomes show that, overall, Lesotho’s Government appears to be politically stable
and that democracy is regarded as a worthy political dispensation. It supports civil
freedom, and there is a growing feeling of trust in the public and government sectors
(Afrobarometer, 2006).
Using ODEL to Enhance Peace
A number of ODEL initiatives have been started in the country. The University of
South Africa (UNISA), the largest distance education institution in southern Africa,
initiated a plan for an electronic network for the region that could be managed
from Maseru. Unfortunately, this project failed due to lack of sustainable financial
support (Mostert, 2009). Momentum was still ongoing when the New Partnership
for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) e-learning project was launched in 16 African
countries: Algeria, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Egypt, Gabon, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho,
Mali, Mauritius, Mozambique, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa and Uganda.
However, bureaucracy in the clearance of equipment at airports caused delays in setting
this up (Ochieng, 2007).
The Commonwealth of Learning (COL) promotes ODEL in the country by supporting
active participation from Lesotho in the Virtual University for Small States of
the Commonwealth (VUSSC) initiative (COL, 2006). COL is also supporting numerous
representatives from Lesotho to attend professional development programmes,
forums and policy development initiatives.
In the context of the SADC Protocol, which has already opened academic exchange
agreements, the Southern African Regional Universities Association was established
in 2005. This Association as well as the Association for African Universities (AAU) reiterated
their commitment to enhance peace on the continent at the 11th AAU General
Conference held in Cape Town in 2005. Commitments were also made at this conference
by both the former President of South Africa, Mr. Thabo Mbeki, and the Minister
of National Education, Ms Naledi Pandor, to assist the networking process of the AAU
within the NEPAD agreement of the African Union (AAU, 2005). The consensus is
that ODEL provides the only strategy to align and support existing structures, including
the African Council for Distance Education, which was formally launched in 2004.
The media and other civil society organisations have played
a positive role in conflict management and democratisation,
particularly during the pre- and post-election periods.
Dr. Mwangi of the NUL confirms the existence of civic education and some forms of
conflict management in Lesotho: “The media and other civil society organisations have
played a positive role in conflict management and democratisation particularly during
the pre- and post-election periods. The country’s Independent Electoral Commission
(IEC), for example, has conducted civic education programmes especially on voter
education through radio, which are aimed at conflict prevention. Civil society organisations
such as the Lesotho Council of Non-Governmental Organisations (LCN) have
also conducted civic education programmes dealing with conflict management through
various forums such as the electronic and print media, conferences and stakeholders
workshops” (Mwangi, 2009). There was also a short-lived Partners in Conflict Lesotho
Project (see box).
There have been several adult basic education training (ABET) schemes in
Lesotho. ABET aims to provide writing and reading skills as well as academic language
proficiency short courses at grassroots level. For example, when international
concerns constructed the Katse Dam and the Malibamatso Hydro-electrical Scheme,
American distance educators taught English through ABET at Thaba-Tseka and Leribe.
Eventually these ABET centres were linked to the distance education programmes of
the NUL at Roma and its Institute for Extra-mural Studies (IEMS) in Maseru (de Beer,
1995).
It is at the grassroots level that traditional community leaders (read decision
makers) represent the ordinary citizens of most southern African societies. The local
level can be analysed as a microcosm of the larger conflict, with communities often
split into conflicting groups along lines of identity. There is often deep-rooted hatred
and animosity in such communities, which can spill over into daily conflict. ABET
programmes could be implemented to reach far-off communities with ODEL delivery
systems and open education resources (OER) materials.
The Partners in Conflict in Lesotho Project
The Partners in Conflict in Lesotho Project, a sustained programme for civil society,
peace and capacity building, began in 2001 as a partnership initiative between
NUL’s Department of Political and Administrative Studies and the University of
Maryland’s Center for International Development and Conflict Management
(UMD-CIDCM), in response to a request for assistance from the Lesotho Ambassador
to the United States. Primary funding through 2003 was provided by the
US Government’s Education for Democracy and Development Initiative (EDDI).
The Project Director, the Head of Department of Political and Administrative
Studies of NUL, was supported by an interdisciplinary team of professionals representing
the University Departments of Education, Law, Sociology and Political
and Administrative Studies. The Project was linked to the National University
Administration, various NGOs, multilateral and bilateral organisations, the
Government and other political actors such as political party leaders and chiefs.
During its first two years of operation it directly engaged a number of stakeholders,
including different political parties represented in parliament, ministries
(particularly the Ministry of Local Government) and others such as the police
(Ministry of Home Affairs), local chiefs, principal chiefs, community councils,
District Secretaries, various NGOs, the parliament, the media, officials of NUL
and the funding agency EDDI. However, it collapsed due to a number of administrative
reasons (see ACCORD, 2008).
The Digital Doorway of Meraka and Motataisi
The Lesotho Government’s policy on information and communications technology
(ICT) (2005) clearly states that ICTs provide ways and means to empower both women
and children and furnish them with skills to become decision makers. Three years
after this policy was announced, significant progress was made when the Motataisi
Foundation, a non-profit public-private organisation consulted with the Meraka
Institute of South Africa to extend their Digital Doorway project into Lesotho.
The Lesotho Government’s policy on information and communication
technology (ICT) (2005) clearly states that ICTs provide
means and ways to empower both women and children and furnish
them with skills to become decision makers.
The Meraka Institute of the Council for Science and Industrial Research (CSIR),
Pretoria, is funded by the South African Department for Science and Technology and
falls within the perimeter of the NEPAD e-policy of the South African Department of
Foreign Affairs. Meraka’s aim is to provide education via GPRS (low cell phone frequency
signals) to computers contained in robust housings (see picture). The Digital
Doorway is a free-standing computer terminal that allows 24-hour access while content
can be customised according to community needs. These outdoor solar-powered
machines have already been distributed all over southern Africa. Although not linked
to the Internet, they have immense potential for programmes that include peacekeeping
or conflict resolution modules – for example, on V-Books via a CD or DVD.
After the Meraka Institute obtained funding from the Commonwealth Secretariat
for the Government of Lesotho’s Education for All policy (Ntsekhe-Nzima, 2009), it
launched a pilot project in collaboration with the Commonwealth Connects Programme
in the little Ha Tsolo community near Maseru during 2008. The computer is installed
at the gate of the Coordinator’s home. The vision is “to populate the Motataisi with
content from government ministries, international best practice[s], educational and
training material[s] and also providing micro-service opportunities to the community”
(Ntsekhe-Nzima, 2009).
At first, questions were raised by the citizens of Lesotho – who had recently
experienced the military intervention by the South African National Defence Force
mentioned earlier – whether this machine was part of some obscure intelligence operation
or a political ploy to buy votes. However, substantial progress was reported to the
Commonwealth Secretariat on the milestones reached, as well as completion dates of
Digital Doorway implementation, basic training in accessing content and the sustainability
of the project (Digital Doorway, 2009). In her report presented to the Secretariat
and the Meraka Institute in February 2009, the Coordinator referred, inter alia, to the
following:
• That there were no other outlets to access information,
especially civic information on rights and governance;
• The need for information on local government; and
• Issues about birth certificates and social services provided
by the Government.
The project plans to locate the outdoor computers where they will be highly visible,
while the content will be created in partnership with NUL and with the expertise of
South Africa. Solar power and batteries are part of the implementation; if the site has
no cellular signal, the nearest place for accessing a signal will be pinpointed for downloading
purposes. Drawbacks are that Meraka personnel are often called into Lesotho to address
technical problems because of the lack of local expertise. Electricity and Internet connection
are also problematic, as well as keeping the learning content relevant.
Cell phones, radio and mobile learning
Cell phone networks in Lesotho are concentrated in the bigger urban areas with their
use being limited in the mountainous rural areas. Using cell phones for learning will
be the way for future investment in Africa to explore wider delivery for ODEL instead
of more expensive web-based teaching and learning (COL, 2009). Cell phones will
soon have the processing possibilities of current desktop PCs. Equipped with powerful
digital cameras and interactive features, they can display digital video and audio files.
The fastest growth of cell phones in the developing world has been in sub-Saharan
Africa at some 77 million. However, 90 per cent of Africans in 2006 still lacked access
to a phone and 98.5 per cent were without Internet access (ICDE, 2009).
According to Mwangi (2009), “Lesotho has about 53,100 telephone lines and about
456,000 cellular mobile telephones in use. Its telephone system can be described as a
rudimentary system consisting of a modest but growing number of landlines, a small
microwave radio relay system and a small radiotelephone communication system. The
mobile-cellular telephone system is expanding. Maseru district accounts for 71 per
cent of the telephone lines, leaving the other nine districts to share the remaining 29
per cent. Public telephones are only found in urban areas, confirming that telephone
communication is very limited in the rural areas. The country has several radio stations
and one state-owned television station. There are about 83 Internets hosts and
about 70,000 Internet users. Radio plays a key role in promoting various development
initiatives. The broadcasting service covers about 75 per cent of the country with the
larger percentage in the urban areas. In the last decade the Government has issued a
number of radio licenses for private radio stations that have extended listeners’ choice
considerably.”
For learners in remote areas of Lesotho it would be possible to upload their MP-3
players or new technology cell phones at kiosks or post offices with learning materials
on civic education. This technology would also enable citizens to participate in the
political process. Transparency and accountability to the rule of law could be enhanced
through such an e-Government system (Government of Lesotho, 2005).
However, the digital divide is still too wide to claim any tangible successes in
e-learning, particularly for conflict resolution. More research is needed on how radio,
SMS texting and other electronic delivery modes could build peace by and for people
in communities.
Conclusion and recommendations
• The Motataisi Foundation
The way forward with the Meraka Institute’s Digital Doorway and the Motataisi
Foundation should include collaboration with the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP) to take civic education to the remote parts of Lesotho (Digital
Doorway, 2009). Fragmented actions of Desk-South Africa and Desk-Lesotho at the
Commonwealth Secretariat – in collaboration with Canada’s International Development
Research Centre (IDRC) plus the US Peace Corps Lesotho and the United Nations
Children’s Fund (UNICEF) – have to be combined into a focused effort to involve all the
relevant players, such as the Open Learning Systems Education Trust (OLSET) of South
Africa. There is an excellent opportunity to partner with the Motataisi Foundation and
Wireless Africa. The Executive Director of OLSET has said that he welcomes negotiations
for civic education with conflict and peacekeeping modules (Naidoo, 2009).
• E xploring other methods of content delivery
Another method of content delivery that should not be ruled out is the use of Intelsat 10
(Baird, 2009). This satellite has a footprint across southern Africa and could be used to
transmit information to key locations. With satellite decoders or receivers at specified
locations such as libraries, schools or clinics, information could be distributed quickly
to these venues. Because of the high prices of bandwidth and low penetration of technology
into Lesotho, this could be a viable alternative.
Cell phone technology can also be used to inform participants of the dates and
times of new content being made available and where. Cell phones can also be used
to distribute short information snippets and to enhance the learning experience of
these participants by giving them the ability to ask questions through the sms system.
Feedback can then be easily given.
• A ccreditation of peacekeeping modules
Lack of civic education can be a contributing factor to many local conflicts. Broader
conflict resolution skills are a real need to solve disputes and conflicts so that that they
do not result in violence and corruption, especially at grassroots levels. Unfortunately
there are no accredited modules available. Consequently state subsidies cannot be
claimed under the Skills Development Act in South Africa, while unaccredited qualifications
elsewhere are not recognised for promotion of government officials, for example,
Correctional Services staff (de Beer, Fredericks and Bohloko, 2008). Accreditationof the United Nations Institute for Training and Research (UNITAR) PeacekeepingOperations Correspondence Instruction (POCI) for higher education institutions orvocational colleges in southern Africa is therefore a priority.
• B est practices quality civic education content
ODEL teaching and learning material should be unbiased without political indoctrination
and should, inter alia, promote the idea that “it is incompatible differences which
give rise to conflict … it is not the objective incompatibility that is crucial but rather
the perceived incompatibility” (Deutsch, 1991). Too often, conflict at the community
level is precipitated by inaccurate stereotypes, and the hypothesis is that the increased
knowledge resulting from increased contact between rival parties will reduce prejudice
levels. This makes sense because fear is a major cause of prejudice. In the case of the
other, we have “a fear of the unknown, a fear of the unfamiliar. If fear is the father of
prejudice, ignorance is its grandfather” (Stephan and Stephan, 2000, p. 38, quoted in
Spies, 2009).
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